OPINION: Historical Memory as a Tool of National Power
China holds military parades to celebrate important anniversaries, including its founding. (Kremlin)
Noah Ahmed (SFS ‘21) is a guest writer for the Caravel's opinion section. The content and opinions of this piece are the writer’s and the writer’s alone. They do not reflect the opinions of the Caravel or its staff.
China celebrated its founding on October 1. Tiananmen Square was the site of an extravagant military parade; fireworks illuminated cities across the country; and citizens—faithful and otherwise—posted chauvinistic messages on WeChat. That day made clear, if it was not already, that China enjoys a high degree of nationalism. Or at least that is what the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) strives for.
The CCP frequently endeavors to strengthen Chinese nationalism. The revolutionary-style red banners that hang ubiquitously across the country propound the ideals of society. The severe censorship of information ties the citizenry to the whims of the government. School curriculums indoctrinate students with concepts like the Chinese Dream and National Rejuvenation. In China, strengthening nationalism is not just about eliminating opposition to the CCP (which the Party does not hesitate to do). It is more importantly about creating support for it. A powerful tool for doing so, and one that underlies all of its nationalistic efforts, is historical memory.
Historical memory can be understood as the lens through which people understand the past and give it meaning. It is about the narratives that people create and identify with. Societies develop collective memories—or competing versions of them—that shape their beliefs, values, and worldview. When activated, this historical consciousness is a powerful force. When manipulated, it is a dangerous one.
The CCP has mastered the art and science of historical memory. Since its founding, the Party has developed a collective memory that alters how its citizens view themselves, the country, and the world. The government has further reinforced certain national narratives since the patriotic education movement of the early 1990s. The ultimate purpose of doing so is to establish nationalistic fervor that legitimizes the CCP’s rule and encourages the expansion of its power. Concretely, the Party has promoted a version of history that prophesies China’s natural return to global superiority, castigates foreign powers as the authors of its problems, and upholds the CCP as the savior of the Chinese people.
First, the Party puts forward a historical memory that suggests CCP-ruled China is the culmination of 5,000 years of history. Even if “China” as a cohesive entity did not exist for half that time, even if several past dynasties were ruled by non-Han leaders, Chinese history is viewed as an unbroken line that has now, finally, brought China to its destiny. The CCP is now the keeper of China’s history.
Second, the Century of National Humiliation is a core narrative of “New China” (founded in 1949). For 100 years, China suffered greatly at the hands of foreign powers. It lost almost every war and made major territorial and economic concessions. Without underestimating the traumatic suffering that the Chinese people endured under Japanese and Western imperialism, it is important to understand how this period of history has evolved into a national narrative of humiliation and redemption. Modern China was born out of the pain caused by external forces. This characterization of history allows the CCP to blame foreign powers for its current problems (which is not entirely unreasonable) and cast doubt on the benevolence of the international system. While some claim that China’s condemnation of Japan and Western countries merely masks the moral and ideological bankruptcy of the Party, this collective memory remains a key CCP tool for enhancing Chinese nationalism. Only a strong, unified national identity can correct the injustices committed during the Century of National Humiliation, the CCP argues.
Third, the CCP claims itself as the only entity that could have rescued the nation from foreign oppression and subsequently establish modern China. Without the Party, China would still chafe under the despotism of other states. In reality, though, the Kuomintang (KMT) played a critical role in driving the Japanese out of China; it was a joint CCP-KMT effort that ended the Century of National Humiliation. The history forged by the CCP conveniently omits this fact and instead praises itself as the true liberator of China. This self-congratulatory narrative legitimizes the rule of the Party and justifies its quest for greater domestic control and international influence.
These narratives constitute China’s historical memory. The CCP has not only strategically forged this historical consciousness, but it also possesses the resources and willpower to ensure it survives. School textbooks inflate the CCP-led victory over the Japanese, Baidu Baike (China’s Wikipedia) fails to mention anti-Party activity like the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, and media outlets remain under the strict control of the government’s Publicity Department. Commanding a robust authoritarian regime and a highly advanced surveillance state allows the Party to achieve near-absolute control over information and history. CCP leaders smartly recognize that the strength of the Party rests significantly on its ability to prove its own worth—and its worth is proven by China’s collective memory.
Ultimately, historical memory is a tool of national power. And as with other devices in a state’s toolbox, historical memory can be exploited. We see this clearly in the case of China. History did not simply lead to China’s present. History—and, crucially, how history is perceived and used—informs the Chinese worldview, and this worldview is used to decipher the country’s present and shape its future. Therefore, when we discuss all the elements relevant to China’s rise and its toughening stance at home, we need to think about historical memory, too. It should serve as the starting point to understanding China and formulating policy toward it.
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