OPINION: The Central Issue of American Politics
Sandra Han (SFS' 24) is a regular Compass World contributor and a guest writer for the Caravel's opinion section. The content and opinions of this piece are the writer’s and the writer’s alone. They do not reflect the opinions of the Caravel or its staff.
Trump lost— but four weeks later, there’s still a bitter taste in some of our mouths.
Self-branded centrist Joe Biden, who recently picked lobbyist Steve Ricchetti and Rep. Cedric Richmond of Louisiana as senior staff members, was not my first choice. He wasn’t even in my top five. But I advocated for him anyway—I organized campaigning projects and promoted awareness where I could. I did this because my peers and I worried that Biden wasn’t quite enough for the more radical progressives, that they wouldn’t be willing to compromise their views. That was our fear—that a divided left wing would lead to another four years of Trump.
But we held our noses, voted, and won. Why doesn’t it feel like a triumphant victory?
Biden has point-blank refused to support the Green New Deal. He’s been quick to refute accusations of anything remotely radical— “Do I look like a socialist to you?”—instead priding himself on being a moderate willing to reach across the aisle and offer concessions.
Progressives all know they settled for Biden. If his cabinet appointments are any indication, the upcoming presidency is certainly not going to be the progressive sunrise some of us hoped it would be. Look at Ricchetti, who spent a dozen years working for healthcare and pharmaceutical companies, and Richmond, whose top donor in the 2019-2020 campaign cycle was the oil and gas industry—it’s hard not to feel betrayed.
We told ourselves that anything would be better than Trump for another four years. Don’t get me wrong, that’s still true. But God, I wish we hadn’t had to compromise.
I mean, who does that? Who wins on the basis of saying “At least I’m not my opponent,” or “Hey, I’m not the worst choice available?”
The U.S. two-party system has long been criticized for its polarizing effects.The partisan divide between Democrats and Republicans on political values is the largest it has ever been. Last year, almost half of Democrats said Republicans have no good ideas or almost no good ideas, up from 2016. More than half of Republicans said the same of Democrats. The aisle has become an abyss.
But the answer isn’t centrism.
The problem with centrism is that it’s not so much a position as it is a location: equidistant from two opposite ends. It only exists in relation to the left and right; a centrist wouldn’t be able to tell you their views until you told them yours. They assume the mantle of a reasonable middle surrounded by extreme options and present themselves as pragmatic and compromising, the essence of “yes, but.” “He did some bad things, yes, but he also did some good!”
Sometimes people need to be made uncomfortable. Sometimes we have to make value judgments. Certain demands are non-negotiable. But that’s not possible if we compromise and concede until we barely recognize ourselves in the mirror. Pandering to centrists turns moral and value judgments into calculated ones.
This culture of compromise needs to come to an end. Accountability should never be compromised on. The statement “Both sides have problems” does not mean “both sides are equal.” A medical professional and an anti-vaxxer’s opinions are not equal, yet the two-sided debate has caused us to treat them as such. Centrism creates false equivalencies, and compromise reinforces them. What’s more, it’s just not effective: more often than not, we end up with inefficient “solutions” that fall short of the mark.
Sometimes radical actions are needed. Police violence should come to a quick and decisive end. Relief bills need to be urgent and encompassing. Believe it or not, climate change is here to stay. But when the partisan gridlock lays any choice down in front of a centrist, concessions are made until the end result is pared down to something hardly recognizable. See the result of Joe Lieberman holding Obama’s healthcare reform legislation hostage in 2009. See Biden’s nomination over the slew of more progressive candidates. We can have change, centrism says, but not too much change.
And to the centrists who supported Trump: how much will you compromise? 19 percent of Black men voted for Trump, the highest percentage a Republican candidate has had in exit polls since 1980. Trump won 47 percent of Cuban voters in Florida. Centrists have long been disappointing Democrats.
(He’s racist, yes, but I’m just totally against abortion.)
(His immigration policies are terrible, yes, but look at how well the economy is doing!)
(He should have done more against police brutality, yes, but the Democrats want socialism!)
Where do you draw the line? How much are you willing to excuse? Is the racism worth the anti-abortion policies? Are the children in cages worth the “freedom” not to wear a mask?
There is good and bad within any party, true. But rather than recognize the distinction, centrists will dismiss the bad by pointing to the good, and water down the good by bringing up the bad. That’s not how it works. The good doesn’t excuse the bad, and the bad doesn’t negate the good. There is always a judgment we can make.
There are centrists who say that they just don’t feel strongly enough about these issues. At a time where one’s level of political activism is directly linked to how partisan one is, some of us can’t afford to be apathetic.
Choosing not to care is a privilege. If nothing else, I don’t know what these past eight months have been but a lesson in just how very personal politics is.
In any other country, our leftists would be the conservative party. The U.S. doesn’t even rank in the top 15 of countries with the most progressive taxes. In fact, the U.S. does less to reduce income inequality than every other OECD country examined except South Korea, when one considers both various taxes and cash transfer programs such as Social Security, unemployment insurance, and means-tested assistance programs. Americans dragged their feet about homosexuality in a time when the vast majority of Western Europeans accepted it.
Sensational headlines about same-sex marriage and marijuana reform might suggest that the U.S. is slowly but surely moving left. Spoiler alert: we’re really not. In 1999, 58 percent of Americans thought abortion should be available in few or no circumstances and 39 percent in most or all circumstances. In 2015, the numbers were 55 and 42 percent. In 1999, proponents for government regulation barely outnumbered those against; in 2015, they were tied. Gun control has slid rightwards entirely.
The electoral system allows Republicans to hold U.S. politics hostage. Whenever Democrats push for change, Republicans dig their heels in further, and centrists enable them.
I believe that we could get a lot more done once we stop holding others’ hands and start using our own. There’s no hope of satisfying everyone. Why don’t we stop trying?