Another Venezuelan Martyr

Last Tuesday, in San Cristóbal, Venezuela, a single gunshot took the life of 14-year-old Kluiver Roa. Who was behind the trigger? The national police, who were trying to dispel protests against the hyperinflation and the economic crisis ridding Venezuela. The Ministry of Defense has authorized the use of firearms to the police whenever they deem manifestations too violent. A year after the start of the first anti-Maduro protests in Venezuela, Roa’s violent death is a tragic reminder of how repressive conditions are in the country. Along with Roa’s death, recent incidents of the government’s attempt to dissuade opposition paint the picture of a paranoid Maduro, fearful perhaps of losing popularity and legitimacy even within his own party. Venezuela Protests Only last week, the mayor of Caracas, Antonio Ledezma, was arrested on the grounds of having conspired against the government and planned a future coup d’état. Ledezma’s charges form part of Maduro’s usual and conveniently ambiguous rhetoric of accusations against whomever opposes his government: threat to the country’s peace and security and to the government. A politically independent member of congress, Maria Corina Machado, was expelled from congress last year on similar grounds, along with Julio Borges, congress representative of the moderate opposition party. Leopoldo Lopez, leader of the radical faction of the opposition, is currently in jail and his trial 6 months overdue.

Mr. Maduro may very well be provoking protests with his actions against Mr. Ledezma and other opposition leaders, given that last year’s manifestations, with a death toll of 43, only served to strengthen Mr. Maduro and leave opposition leaders in jail. He nonetheless appears to advocate for peace, asking the youth to avoid violent protests, and arresting opposition leaders on the grounds of violation of peace and security. Commentators interpret Maduro’s need to resort to anti-opposition measures as sign of his weakening authority. Due to unwise economic policy and the drop in oil prices, Maduro’s administration has seen one of the worst economic crises Venezuela has experienced. This has lost Maduro popularity both within his Socialist party, especially among ministers previously part of Chávez’s administration, and in the country at large.

Meanwhile, after last year’s protests divided the opposition party MUD into radicals and moderates, the current crisis and the governmental action taken against opposition leaders has brought them closer. Having faced charges by Mr. Maduro, Mr. Ledezma and Ms. Machado have openly ridiculed Maduro’s allegations and restated their commitment to bringing back democracy. The opposition’s hope is set on this year’s parliamentary elections—if they are held—which if successful would allow them to hold a referendum in 2016 to recall Mr. Maduro and toppling his government. Mr. Maduro is avoiding setting a date for these elections, and not surprisingly so, given that his approval ratings are now below 20%.

Inflation rates going through the roof, students killed in protests, and US citizens detained for espionage: these are all descriptive of the current situation in Venezuela. While the recent actions of the government have brought about concern from entities like the OAS, Maduro’s evident intention to hold on to power as best he can is an alarming situation that demands a stronger international response. Some commentators speculate the government could even declare a state of emergency and suspend the constitution, all to prolong Maduro’s term in power, lest the international community steps in with sanctions or suspensions on Maduro.